Ugarit
1:
UGARIT (35°35´N; 35°45´E). Tell Ras Shamra, near the Mediterranean coast of Syria, is the site of ancient Ugarit, capital of a kingdom of the same name that flourished in the 2d millennium b.c. Occupied since Neolithic times, it was abandoned around 1180 b.c. (with the exception of minimal later occupation). Its commercial importance was due to a rich agricultural countryside, and above all to its port, discovered on the site of Minet el-Beida (= Ug Mahadu [?]; Leukos Limēn [White Harbor] of the Greeks, Port Blanc of Crusader times). Its celebrity comes from the discovery since 1929 of texts written in various languages, and in particular in a language hitherto unknown—Ugaritic. See LANGUAGES (UGARITIC). The Ugaritic texts reveal cultural, religious, and mythical traditions from essentially the 14th through the 13th centuries b.c. This explains the importance given to Ugarit in historical studies of the ANE and biblical world. This entry, consisting of two articles, will describe the results of the excavations of Ugarit and the nature of its ancient texts and literature.
Freedman, D. N. (1996, c1992). The Anchor Bible Dictionary (6:695). New York: Doubleday.
2:
UGARIT is modern Ras Shamra, located 1 km from the Mediterranean Sea and 10km N of Syrian Latakia. C. F. A. Schaeffer began excavations in 1928, first at Ugarit’s port by the bay of Minet el-Beida, then at Ras Shamra until 1969. M. Yon has directed the work since 1978. Although occupied as early as the 7th millennium bc, the site flourished in the 2nd millennium. In the Late Bronze Age (1550–1200 bc) the city-state controlled a region of 2,000 square kms, including a large agricultural plain and an excellent port (Yon). It enjoyed a moderate Mediterranean climate. Historical archives begin with King Niq-maddu II (1360–1330 bc) followed by the Hittite domination of the region through the intermediary Carchemish at the end of the 14th century. The Hittite-Egyptian treaty (c. 1270 bc) allowed the kingdom to develop with an increasing centralization of power. The king controlled a large palace that formed the centre of a fortified acropolis within the city. This and the towering temple of Baal were the two most impressive landmarks. Ugarit disappeared shortly after 1200 bc for reasons unknown but perhaps related as much to climatic change and internal problems as to any invasion from the sea (Dupont).
Excavators of Ugarit have unearthed thousands of inscriptions from the Late Bronze Age. Texts preserving Egyptian, Cypro-Minoan, Hurrian and Hittite languages occur, but most of the clay tablets preserve writing in Akkadian and Ugaritic languages. Ugaritic script represents one of the earliest alphabets, composed of twenty-nine letters written in cuneiform. The Ugaritic language is one of the earliest West Semitic languages attested by a sizeable corpus and variety of inscriptions. Rivalled only by the Dead Sea Scrolls, the texts from Ugarit represent the most important collection of written evidence yet discovered for better interpreting the OT. Study of the Ugaritic language has demonstrated a flexibility in the use of prepositions and other syntactical features, and has expanded the West Semitic vocabulary of known words and their usage. When applied to biblical Heb., this has provided for new interpretations of difficult texts and rendered unnecessary many textual emendations of previous generations.
Although the citizens of Ugarit distinguished themselves from ‘Canaanites’, they shared a common culture. Religious, epistolary, lexical, administrative, legal and contractual texts have been discovered at Ugarit (Pardee and Bordreuil). Scholars have made many comparisons between aspects of the Ugaritic mythologies and the OT. Canaanite deities are attested such as Asherah, Anat, Ashtart (Ugaritic Athtart), Baal and El as well as divine personifications of the sea, (Yam) and death (Mot). Leviathan also occurs. El appears as the senior deity who grants the requests of gods and humans. Baal acts to defeat Yam and to build a palace. Mot kills him but Baal reappears and brings fruitfulness. Kings such as Keret and Danel (cf. Ezk. 28:3) request sons to inherit their thrones. Other myths emphasize marriage (Nikkal) and procreation, sometimes in a crude fashion (Birth of Shahar and Shalim) that recalls the condemnation by the biblical prophets of the sexual excesses of Canaanite religion. Other texts include lists of deities and offerings they receive. Mesopotamian traditions brought inscribed liver models and other omen texts, the flood story of Atrahasis, the ‘Babylonian Job’ and other ‘wisdom’ compositions.
The texts from Ugarit have affected almost every area of OT studies (Brooke, Curtis and Healey). We may consider examples from law, history, poetry and prophecy (Craigie, 1983, pp. 67–90). Although no legal collections have yet appeared at Ugarit, ritual instructions parallel biblical law. Sacrificial texts use similar terms to describe ‘whole burnt’ (kll), ‘communion’ (šlmn) and ‘gift’ (mnḥh) offerings as in Lv. 2, 3 and 6. Other OT terms such as ‘priest’ (khn), ‘sacrifice’ (zbḥ), ‘cultic functionary’ (qdsû) and ‘tent of meeting’ (˒hlm˓d) occur at Ugarit (Smith, 1990, pp. 2–3). A ritual text (KTU 1.40) describes how to deal with sins such as anger and impatience by animal sacrifice (Pardee). ˒Il ib ‘god of the father’ also occurs at Ugarit, and invites comparison with the patriarchal God of the fathers (Ex. 3:16) as a deity associated with one’s ancestors. ˒El brt occurs in a Hurrian religious text. Some have compared this to El-Berith, i.e. El of the Covenant, as at Shechem (Jdg. 9:46). However, the Hurrian context renders this translation unlikely and illustrates the dangers of making comparisons without careful linguistic controls.
Although Ugarit flourished before Israel settled in Canaan, its administrative records demonstrate a continuity between city-states of the Late Bronze Age Levant and the Jerusalem administration as it developed under David and Solomon (Heltzer). In both cases the ‘servants of the king’ formed the administrative core of the kingdom, as royal dependents, with specific skills for tasks at the palace and in the governing apparatus. Similarities exist between the description of Baal’s construction of his palace or temple, and the rituals surrounding it, and David’s transport of the Ark into Jerusalem (2 Sa. 6; Seouw). Letter writers of Ugarit sometimes addressed requests to the queen mother instead of going directly to the king, reflecting her influential role (cf. 1 Ki. 2:13–25; 15:11–13; 22:52; 2 Ki. 11). Many personal names correspond to biblical names, though they designate different people. Administrative records mention inhabitants of Palestinian sites such as Ashdod. Girgashites (Dt. 7:1; Jos. 3:10) are attested at Ugarit (grgš). The role of Ugaritic Rephaim as dead warriors and ancestors may relate to the biblical group of the same name (Dt. 3:10).
An understanding of the Canaanite background is useful for the study of biblical *poetry (Craigie). Ps. 29 contains many similar ideas and even phrases used of Baal in Ugaritic poetry. However, the biblical psalmist wishes to affirm that Yahweh, not Baal, is Lord of nature. Like God in Ps. 104:3, Baal is a rider on the clouds. Fire and flame assist Baal as well as God (v.4). The voice of Baal is also thunder (v.7) and the cedars of Lebanon form Baal’s palace (cf. v.16). The psalmist transforms the Canaanite motifs by confessing that the God of Israel is creator of the whole world, not merely a temple in Jerusalem. As the Heb. psalms do with ‘selah’, ‘sheminith’, etc., Hurrian poetical compositions contain musical annotations. Poems throughout the Bible describe God as a warrior coming from a distant mountain to do battle on behalf of Israel with the power of the storm (Ex. 15; Dt. 33; Jdg. 5; Ps. 68; Heb. 3). This motif occurs in the Baal cycle from Ugarit (KTU 1.4,29–35; 1.101.1–4; Smith 1990: 49). However, the Bible transforms these images. Thus Ex. 15, the Song of the Sea, celebrates Israel’s deliverance from Egypt. Although its confession of God’s reign resembles the confession of Baal’s reign at Ugarit, the distinction between Baal’s victory over the sea god, Yam, differs from God’s victory over Egypt. The God of Israel acts in history to redeem; the deities of Ugarit and Canaan act within the cycles of nature. In addition, many similarities exist in the form and structure of Ugaritic and Heb. poetry (Watson).
The taunt of the Babylonian king, Helel, ‘the shining one’ of Is. 14:12–14, who tries and fails to take God’s place, resembles that of Athtar, also called ‘the shining one’, who tries and fails to occupy Baal’s throne in his absence (Craigie). Athtar’s feet are too short! Am. 1:1 notes that the prophet was a shepherd. The term used (nōqēd) is rare in the Bible. Its occurrences in the administrative texts from Ugarit suggest that it describes owners and managers of large herds, engaged in marketing wool and other produce. This sophisticated background helps to explain the international character of Amos’ prophecies and rhetoric. Texts from Ugarit also attest to the marzeah, a religious banquet, associated with the drinking of wine. Je. 16:5–9 and perhaps Am. 6:4–7 describe the practice and condemn it (King). However, it continued into the Christian era.
Bibliography. Texts: J. Nougayrol and C. Virolleaud, PRU, 2–6, 1955–1970; C. H. Gordon, UT, Analecta Orientalia 38, 1965; UG 5, 1968; UG 7, 1978; J. C. L. Gibson, CML, 1977; J. C. De Moor and K. Spronk, A Cuneiform Anthology of Religious Texts from Ugarit, 1987; P. Bordreuil, Une bibliotheque au sud de la ville, 1991; M. Dietrich, O. Loretz and J. Sanmartin, KTU 2, 1994. Translations: French — PRU; UG; Bordreuil texts volumes; A. Caquot, M. Sznycer and A. Herdner, LAPO 7, 1974; A. Caquot, J.-M. Tarragon and J.-L. Cunchillos, LAPO 14, 1989. English — ANET, pp. 129–155 et passim; CML; J. C. De Moor, An Anthology of Religious Texts from Ugarit, 1987; M. S. Smith, The Ugaritic Baal Cycle 1, 1994. Other series: ALASP; Newsletter for Ugaritic Studies; RSP 1–3; Ras Shamra-Ougarit; Syria; UF; UBL. Sources cited: G. J. Brooke, A. H. W. Curtis and J. F. Healey, UBL 11, 1994; P. C. Craigie, Ugarit and the Old Testament, 1983; F. R. Dupont, The Late History of Ugarit, 1987; M. Heltzer, Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean, M. Heltzer and E. Lipinski (eds.), 1988, pp. 7–18; P. J. King, Amos, Hosea, Micah, 1988; D. Pardee and P. Bordreuil, ABD 6, 1992, pp. 706–721; C. L. Seouw, Myth, Drama and the Politics of David’s Dance, 1989; M. S. Smith, The Early History of God, 1990; W G. E. Watson, JSOT, supp. 26, 1984; M. Yon, ABD 6, 1992, pp. 695–706; G. D. Young (ed.), Ugarit in Retrospect, 1981. r.s.h.
Wood, D. R. W., Wood, D. R. W., & Marshall, I. H. (1996, c1982, c1962). New Bible Dictionary. Includes index. (electronic ed. of 3rd ed.) (1217). Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press.
3:
Ugarit
An ancient city on the north coast of the eastern Mediterranean, located under a mound now known in Arabic as Ras (esh-)Shamra (“Fennel Cape”). It flourished in the 2nd millennium b.c.e. until its destruction ca. 1200. The mound is located ca. 1 km. (.6 mi.) from the Mediterranean Sea and ca. 10 km. (6 mi.) N of modern Lāḏiqīye (ancient Greek Laodikeia). Excavations at Tell Ras Shamra began in 1929 after the chance discovery of a funerary vault at the tiny port of Minet el-Beida. Attention quickly shifted to the large mound, Ras Shamra, 1 km. to the east. Excavations have continued year by year since then except for a decade hiatus around World War II (1939–1948). The present mound covers ca. 20 ha. (50 a.); however, the Late Bronze city was somewhat larger.
The ancient city was shaped by its location on the Mediterranean Sea. It was surrounded to the north, east, and south by mountains. Ancient Mt. Sapanu (1780 m. [5840 ft.]) on the northern horizon (also known as Mt. Zaphon in biblical literature, Mons Casius in Latin literature, today known as Jebel el-Aqra˓) was the dwelling place of the storm-god Baal. A valley to the northeast of the city was the gateway to the ancient kingdoms in Mesopotamia. The plain around Ugarit was fertile, producing abundant wheat and barley. Foothills and mountains that surrounded Ugarit were cultivated for vineyards and olives. The mountains provided a ready source of the famed “cedars of Lebanon” for construction and trade. As an international harbor, Ugarit’s economy was naturally engaged in export and import. Ugarit also developed industries which were shaped by its maritime location, such as purple dye manufacturing (from the murex snails) and shipbuilding. In addition, the city developed craft industries related to its trade in raw materials such as copper. The fertile hinterland was also exploited for trade in grains and oil. In the internationalism that shaped the late 2nd millennium (15th-13th centuries), a certain uneasy equilibrium developed between the conflicting interests of the major powers of Egypt, the Hittites, Mitanni, Kassite Babylonia, and Assyria. Ugarit was well situated to serve as an intermediary of the commercial interests of these major states. The rise of Ugarit at this juncture reflects a skillful exploitation of the city’s geographical advantages.
Tell Ras Shamra has a long history. The earliest settlement of the site dates back to ca. the 6th millennium and continues almost uninterrupted through the 2nd millennium when it became a major commercial center. Even before the discovery of the ancient site, scholars had known of Ugarit’s existence and significance from other texts. It is mentioned in a number of the Amarna Letters, including one which belies its grandeur: “Look, there is no mayor’s residence like that of the residence in Tyre. It is like the residence in Ugarit. Exceedingly [gr]eat is the wealth [i]n it” (EA 89:48–53; W. L. Moran, ed., The Amarna Letters [Baltimore, 1992], 162). The importance of Ugarit as a commercial hub derives from its geographical location. Standing on the coastal highway of Syria with all the advantages of the Mediterranean trade, Ugarit connected the Mediterranean with the interior of northern Syria. Although Ugarit never became a major power, it did become a major commercial center as well as a medium-sized kingdom covering more than 3212 sq. km. (1240 sq. mi.). An important phase of Ugarit’s history began ca. 2000. Both the Ugaritic king list and the epic literature discovered at Ugarit point to the arrival of seminomadic pastoral tribes known as the Amorites, who settled ancient Ugarit and initiated a new urban phase of its history. The history of the kingdom was closely tied to the larger kingdoms of the Near East, first Mari in the early 2nd millennium, then Egypt, and finally the Hittite kingdom. The final destruction of Ugarit is usually attributed to the Sea Peoples in the early 12th century, although the disintegration of Ugarit’s palace-temple economy had already begun well before the Sea Peoples’ migrations. The end of the Late Bronze Age was marked by a general process of ruralization in the countryside that undermined the support of the urban economy and ultimately exacerbated the ultimate demise of Ugarit as well as other Late Bronze kingdoms.
The culture of Ugarit was composite. It was all at the same time: a Syrian port with Mediterranean trade, a West Semitic city-state which was a vassal of the Hittite kingdom, and a West Semitic population in a cuneiform world. By whatever measure we use — personal names, language, religion, or material culture — Ugarit appears to be an eclectic admixture of Canaanite, Syrian, Anatolian, Mesopotamian, Egyptian, and Mediterranean cultures. Given that Ugarit was situated on the coastal route that united Asia Minor with Syria-Palestine as well as being the closest harbor on the eastern Mediterranean to Cyprus, it is hardly surprising that Ugarit was a multilingual society. This cosmopolitan character is reflected in the many languages and scripts discovered in the excavations at Ras Shamra. Clay tablets were found inscribed in a variety of scripts (cuneiform, alphabetic cuneiform, hieroglyphic) and languages (Ugaritic, Akkadian, Sumerian, Hurrian, Hittite, Egyptian, Cypro-Minonan), although the primary languages were Ugaritic and Akkadian. Nearly all the remains of the Ugaritic language have been discovered during excavations by Claude Schaeffer and his successors carried out at this site since 1929. A small number of Ugaritic texts have been found at the small port site of Ras Ibn Hani, 5 km. (3 mi.) S of Ras Shamra. A few short texts using the Ugaritic alphabet have been found elsewhere in the western Mediterranean area on Cyprus (Hala Sultan Tekke near Larnaca), in Syria (Tell Sukas, Tell Nebi Mend [Kedesh]), Lebanon (Kamid el-Loz, Sarepta), and Israel (Mt. Tabor, Taanach, Beth-shemesh). Archives were found primarily in the palace and temple areas of Ras Shamra, although texts were also found in the homes of apparently important individuals. The library of ancient Ugarit shows evidence of a multilingual and highly cultured society. Scribes were evidently persons of great standing in Ugaritic society with broad education. The library at Ugarit includes literary texts (myths), economic texts, letters, and school texts (e.g., exercises, lexicons, syllabaries). A most distinguished scribe was Ilimilku, who was responsible for the transcription and collation of many of the literary works found at Ugarit. The best preserved of these are the Legend of King Keret (or Kirtu), the Legend of Aqhat, and the Baal cycle. This literature has opened a window into Canaanite culture of the late 2nd millennium and has supplied a surprising treasure of cultural, religious, and linguistic insight into ancient Israel.
The head of state in ancient Ugarit was the king, whose line had divine sanction and whose authority was considered a religious obligation. There is some evidence to suggest that the king may have been given divine status in Ugarit (perhaps in contrast with ancient Israel). The good king defends the widow, the orphan, the poor, and the down-hearted (cf. Aqhat 1.21–25; 2.V.6–8; 127.33–34, 45–48). Members of the king’s clan exercised control in the secular and religious institutions, particularly the high priesthood. The Kirtu Epic associates the king with the clan of ṯa˓ and also glorifies the clan of ditana. King Niqmad is called a ṯa˓i-ite (ṯ˓y). The chariot-warriors (maryanŝma) include a group of priests called “sons of the ta˓ites” and “sons of the ditanites,” who are among the well-paid members of the army. Their family members are also listed on the military payroll.
Military manpower was derived from draft quotas taken from communities and guilds (cf. Solomon’s corvée, 1 Kgs. 9:15–21). There were two branches of military service: the army (including charioteers and infantry) and the navy. The professional military were paid in silver. Land grants including grants of livestock may have been made to professional soldiers. Based on the Code of Hammurabi (§§27–29, 31–32, 35–37, 41), we may assume that special legal protection over land and property was probably extended to these soldiers.
The religion of Ugarit is known mostly through the epic literary myths: Keret, Aqhat, and the Baal cycle. The latter are stories known from tablets of the high priest’s library. It probably formed a six-volume “set” produced by the scribe Ilimilku. From what remains of the tablets we can reconstruct three stories concerning (1) the storm-god Baal and the sea-god Yamm, (2) the building of Baal’s palace, and (3) Baal and his brother Mot, the god of death. Because the tablets are not complete, it is difficult to know with certainty the precise order of the cycle of stories. The story concerning Baal and Yamm is in many ways typical of Near Eastern cosmological stories (e.g., Enuma Elish; cf. Exod. 15) and marks Baal’s rise to power with his defeat of Yamm (cf. Marduk’s victory over Tiamat). The last story describes Mot (i.e., “Death”) killing Baal and confining him to the underworld, which results in a disruption of the fertility cycle. The goddess Anat kills Mot and rescues her brother Baal, who is returned to his throne. But Death (Mot) will not die, and only through the intervention of El, the head of the Ugaritic pantheon, is a kind of order restored. The Baal cycle, though incomplete, was apparently central to Ugaritic religious beliefs; indeed, since Baal was worshipped throughout Syria-Palestine, the Baal cycle necessarily forms one of the main sources for our understanding of the religious beliefs of the entire ancient Near East.
Bibliography. P. C. Craigie, Ugarit and the Old Testament (Grand Rapids, 1983); M. Heltzer, The Internal Organization of the Kingdom of Ugarit (Wiesbaden, 1982); G. del Olmo Lete, Canaanite Religion: According to the Liturgical Texts of Ugarit (Bethesda, 1999); M. S. Smith, ed., The Ugaritic Baal Cycle. VTSup 55 (Leiden, 1994); Smith et al., Ugaritic Narrative Poetry (Atlanta, 1997); M. Yon, The City of Ugarit at Tell Ras Shamra (Winona Lake, 1999).
William M. Schniedewind
Freedman, D. N., Myers, A. C., & Beck, A. B. (2000). Eerdmans dictionary of the Bible (1343). Grand Rapids, Mich.: W.B. Eerdmans.
